In recent days, Ukrainian society has been shaken by revelations from the NABU and SAPO “Midas” operation, which exposed a multi-layered criminal organization operating, among other areas, in the energy sector. During the HACC hearings on interim measures, the public learned numerous new details about the multi-million-dollar arrangement, and every day brought new high-ranking officials into the spotlight.

Structure of the criminal organization

According to the prosecutor, during the full-scale invasion, no later than January–February 2025, the scheme was organized by the co-owner of Kvartal 95, Tymur Mindich, known under the alias “Karlsson.” Using his influence and connections among senior officials, he allegedly coordinated illicit enrichment schemes across various sectors of the economy. He was assisted by Oleksandr Tsukerman (“Sugarman” or “The Chief).” In addition to Mindich and Tsukerman, the organization included:

• Ihor Myroniuk, former adviser to the Minister of Energy (“Rocket”),
• Dmytro Basov, Executive Director for Physical Protection and Security at Energoatom (“Tenor”),
• Four “back-office” workers responsible for money laundering, including Ihor Fursenko (“Rioshyk”), Lesia Ustymenko, and Liudmyla Zorina.

The recordings also reference two additional figures: former Energy Minister and current Minister of Justice Herman Halushchenko (“Professor,” “Sigismund”) — not formally suspected; former Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Chernyshov (“Che Guevara”) — who has been served a suspicion notice.

How the scheme operated

According to investigators, Basov and Myroniuk used their official powers and the influence of Halushchenko (who until recently served as Minister of Energy) to receive substantial illicit payments from Energoatom’s contractors, effectively placing the company under their informal control.

For these contractors, the group operated a mechanism known as the “barrier (shlagbaum) scheme.” If a company wished to receive payment from Energoatom for services rendered or goods delivered, it had to share with the scheme — meaning pay a kickback of 10–15% of the contract value. If they refused, payment would simply be blocked.

The scheme became possible after the Ministry for Strategic Industries issued an order placing Energoatom on the list of debtors protected from enforcement actions during martial law. With this order in place, Energoatom gained the discretionary power to decide whom to pay and when. According to the investigation, members of the criminal organization exploited this leverage to extract kickbacks.

Distribution of responsibilities within a criminal organization

According to the prosecutor, Myroniuk, acting as an executor, coordinated the actions of Basov and a senior official of the prosecution service. He organized the acquisition of illicit benefits, accumulated cash, ensured operational secrecy, and handled the laundering of illicit proceeds. Well-versed in the company’s internal processes, he was responsible for implementing the “barrier scheme.” Before contracts were concluded, Myroniuk identified potential contractors willing to pay a percentage of the contract value in exchange for favorable treatment by Energoatom officials. Those who refused faced blocked payments or exclusion from procurement procedures. 

Dmytro “Tenor” Basov played a key role in influencing Energoatom due to his position as Executive Director for Physical Protection and Security, which granted him significant internal authority.

One documented episode involved Basov handing USD 53,000 to Myroniuk, received from Elast Atom LLC for ensuring timely payment of the company’s contracts. Energoatom subsequently paid the firm more than UAH 12.7 million, after which the company secured additional advantageous contracts.

In total, investigators recorded eight episodes of money laundering, with amounts handled by Myroniuk ranging from USD 350,000 to USD 874,000. Funds were transferred to accomplices, mixed with other cash inside the “back office,” and USD 39,000 was converted to cryptocurrency and transferred to the mother of Myroniuk’s partner. 

Only in March 2025, the “laundry” received an additional USD 340,000 from Myroniuk; in April — USD 3 million; and in May — EUR 300,000, later laundered through controlled entities.

At the instruction of Oleksandr Tsukerman, part of these funds was designated for Oleksii Chernyshov.

Details of Myroniuk’s arrest and his potential involvement in additional crimes

During a search of his apartment, prosecutors say Myroniuk tore up documents in the bathroom and tried to throw both the papers and his phone out the window. The investigation also points to his contacts with Members of Parliament, law enforcement officers, and media outlets under his influence.

In addition, investigators cite examples suggestive of his involvement in other possible criminal episodes. On 14 May 2025, surveillance captured Basov handing EUR 21,000 to Myroniuk, referring to the payment as “fire-crew payoff.” In the same conversation, Basov noted that he had received USD 30,000 from an Energoatom branch, of which he passed USD 20,000 to the NACP, kept USD 3,000 for himself, and gave USD 7,000 to Myroniuk.

Basov: “So this the fire-crew payoff — twenty-one six-twenty in euros. I scooped it up here minus my ten percent. On paper it was thirty, but right now it’s seven — the other twenty I slid over to, you know… to the NACP.”

The “Midas” Tapes: key conversations between the scheme’s participants

During the court hearing, the prosecutor began presenting additional covert investigative recordings. One example is a conversation between Myroniuk and Energoatom’s Finance Director, Liudmyla Smilianets, in which he gives her unlawful instructions.

Smilianets: “I’ll call him in tomorrow and tell him to lay out all his dealings with Andrei, yeah?”

Myroniuk: “Just break it down for him, look. There’s gonna be [expletive] across the whole company chain. You’ll end up right where everyone else ends up — on the blacklist. You’ll be walking around saying: ‘We’ll be back soon.’ Well, that ‘soon’ been goin’ on for five years already. And before you ‘come back,’ we’ll override all your tech specs, cancel all your certificates. You’ll be wiped clean, just like that. And all your employees? They’ll get drafted.”

And another conversation:

Smilianets: “Hera (editor’s note — the minister) asked about the investment specifications from last week — who’s holding up the 500k Zaporizhzhia debt. It’s that research and education institute… we gotta help them somehow. So we need to twist the state company a bit, put the research institute in as usual, and vote it through.”

Myroniuk: “For 500 thousand?”

Smilianets: “Yeah.”

The prosecutor then added recorded conversations between Myroniuk and Basov.

Basov: “Yeah, I blocked him. I’ll tell him — until he gets things in order, he ain’t seeing a dime… he already called me, whining.”

Myroniuk: “What now?”

Basov: “Crying that he’s got no money, ‘give me the funds.’ I told him: ‘Ain’t givin’ nothin’. You gotta finish your homework first.’ Though honestly, I added that I’m not the one they owe that homework to…” — According to the prosecutor, this refers to money the group expected to receive.

It was also recorded how Basov wanted to appoint his own person inside Energoatom.

Basov: “Attention, here’s the issue. We could take him into the setup, so he won’t feel offended — but there’s a flip side. First: once you start feeding a bear, that bear gonna stay hungry forever and show up at your door every day. Second, let’s just say… getting too close comes with risks…”

Another conversation between Basov and Myroniuk related to the distribution of money:

(sound of paper bags being unpacked)

Basov: “Whoa. Okay, I’m handing out the envelopes. Construction — one-oh-five. This one’s the military. Right — five for Lukashevych, five for Pushkar, one grand for Kolia, ten for you. Three for Melnychuk (editor's note — various Energoatom employees). Nobody forgotten?” 

Basov: “And also, for closing that case — nineteen — it comes out to twenty thousand, give or take a hundred bucks.”

A further conversation shows the group’s expectations of influencing the SBI:

Myroniuk: “That Pushkar guy — let him go. I doubt he can organize anything at all.”

Basov: “Then we hit him with a search and take it from there. We agree like this: we take our share, and the SBI boys grab their five percent or whatever — they’re always out there hunting for money, hustling for side earnings. Everything was kickback-based — all the travel packages, all the insurance, the 0.5 budget — they always took fifteen percent steady. Houses for raccoons with air conditioners and all that.”

Conversations about the new energy minister were also recorded:

Basov: “So what do we do about Kotin? Seriously?”

Myroniuk: “I don’t know… I think Kotin needs replacing. The Professor — let’s say, my people agree too. But for some reason, the Professor is categorically against removing Kotin… So they left that girl in place (editor's note — current Energy Minister Hrynchuk). Can she handle him? No way.”

Basov: “But we can handle her.”

Multiple recordings captured discussions on replacing ministers and placing their allies in key positions.

Myroniuk: “Look: I’m replacing Markarova one way or another (editor’s note — most likely referring to Ambassador Oksana Markarova). I have several candidates — all solid, all close to us. I’ll send you the list, you pick yours. Of course, Shmyh refused. You know why? Because he’s sure they’ll ban him 100 percent… And the third scenario — overseeing both energy and ecology, either merging two ministries, or leaving them separate. But then the question is: she either stays there and someone comes here, or she moves here. Anyway, everyone agrees — this is an important position for us (editor’s note — energy sector).”

The prosecutor then read additional conversations about laundering illicit proceeds.

Myroniuk: “You’re sitting here asking me: ‘Tell us how to make it so that the whole world, all the intelligence services, FATF — everyone — has been fighting money-laundering forever, but somehow the perfect scheme is just lying out there on the surface, invisible to them all…’ And then I’d show up and say — ‘Here, I’ve got it.’ ”

Basov: “The question is: what exactly are they gonna look for, right? We’re not doing anything illegal here, basically… Nothing there. It’s all just internal company information and relationships.” 

Myroniuk: “Exactly. Here’s how I see it. I want — let’s say — my son to register a company in some island jurisdiction, but not offshore. Not offshore. This company makes an investment into a fund — say, a Seychelles fund — and then that fund gives an instruction from that company: ‘Buy me that company over there.’” 

The prosecutor also read a phone conversation between Myroniuk and Tsukerman:

Myroniuk: “Did our friend, the Professor, confirm the approval?”

Other recordings referenced Chernyshov directly: 

Ustymenko: “Okay, and you said we’re giving Che Guevara three hundred.” 

Tsukerman: “Yeah, three hundred for Che Guevara.” 

Ustymenko: “Maybe we keep some? Maybe give Che Guevara a hundred — you’ve got ninety euros there, the rest in dollars… And you know, Che Guevara always likes the pretty bills — shame to give those away. Let’s collect all the ugly ones.” 

Conversations with Tsuckerman follow:

Tsukerman: “Two-fifty came in from the tennis guy. Yeah, mark it in some color. I’ll maybe check today whether we’re splitting it — or not splitting it.”

Ustymenko: “If we were gonna split anything — there’s nothing left.”

Tsukerman: “Whatever. Some of it goes to Sigismund, some of it — to us.” 

Next conversation:

Tsukerman: “Look, here’s the situation: three hundred thousand dollars, two hundred — no, three hundred thousand dollars, two hundred dollars, and ninety-six and a half thousand euros, which makes a hundred thousand. So that’s everything, you know the context.”

Chernyshov: “Mm-hmm.” 

Tsukerman: “I withdrew those (editor’s note — 27,000) from the cash desk, you follow me, yeah?”

Chernyshov: “I get it. I appreciate that...”

The prosecutor then submitted surveillance records accompanied by photo materials.

According to the documents, Myroniuk, together with his driver, arrived at the building where Tsukerman was located, and later went to the address where the Ministry of Energy is situated — a location which, according to the defense, houses Tsukerman’s private medical clinic. In the photos, Myroniuk is seen holding a black bag, and later a large white one, which he handed to Fursov. According to the prosecutor, this was how cash was transferred.

Another recorded instance shows the driver of Minister Halushchenko approaching the gate of the minister’s residence carrying two bags, while Halushchenko himself exited with a package in hand. These episodes occurred multiple times. The prosecutor believes this may indicate Halushchenko’s assistance in Myroniuk’s activities.

The prosecutor then highlighted the individual referred to as “Electronic”, whom investigators identified as Denys Shtilerman. 

Tsukerman: “We got a messenger from Rocket coming at eleven-thirty… Euros plenty, dollars plenty. We already handed them almost all the ugly bills, yeah — ‘cause Rocket brought the same kinda ugly [expletive]… Look: there’s like a million total, more or less. I don’t have all of it — maybe a million, three-fifty. Most of it went to Shmel (editor’s note — likely Ihor Khmeliov, Mindich’s business partner)… Some of it was needed for Tymur.”

Another conversation:

Tsukerman: “We been talkin’ over three issues… there in the hall they got sixteen or eighteen construction resolutions, Zhelezniak scribbled some stuff — whatever. Today we got a project — not just ‘got,’ it’s already signed, it’s mandatory. Do we wanna do it or not? This is the decision we rollin’ with.”

Mindich: “This is new construction — there are projects for it… buildings, module assemblies… The law (likely referring to the law on purchasing reactors from Bulgaria) will pass whenever it passes.” The prosecutor noted that this project relates to new reactor construction and establishing construction bases.

Tsukerman and his interlocutor also remark that “Sigismund dreams of slipping away” from his position.

Many conversations mention the file called “Manhattan,” which served as their internal accounting system.

Tsukerman: “Did the man get it? They sent us one mil’, and we processed it like it was two — and that’s that.”

Fursenko: “I picked up the mil’ and handed it over in the same box. But carrying one-point-six million dollars? — not exactly a pleasant hobby.”

Their conversations also reference Mindich’s brother, Leonid: “He’s still sitting inside — eight million bail. But I’m thinking, Karlsson has everything declared… He’s your blood? …No, third cousin, fourth cousin. Just the same surname.” The prosecutor noted this confirms that “Karlsson” = Tymur Mindich. 

Another conversation was also recorded:

Tsukerman: “I wanna see the expert who thinks he’ll decode all this — I’m checking all of them myself” (editor's note — referring to the aliases).

Mindich: “I’m telling you — they decoded everything, all of those codes.”

Tsukerman: “We been over this… if we got a rat in here…”

Mindich: “Yeah, but your codes? Even a rat wouldn’t know ‘em.”

Another interesting conversation involves Tsukerman and, presumably, Halushchenko:

Tsukerman: “So how much is he helping? How’s this gonna work?”

Halushchenko: “Eighty, I think. I’m not sure, we’ll split it.”

He then continues: “Though Umerov told me they’ll approve it; they even wanted to make Pyshnyi the Prime Minister. Yulia is basically raging… so logically everything is going to collapse now.”

Through Mindich’s mediation, Halushchenko also attempted to arrange a meeting with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. The surveillance records show that during one conversation, Halushchenko directly called the President. This call had been set up in advance by Mindich, who wrote to Zelenskyy: “Hera wants to talk to you.” and, ironically: “How many times have I told you — call Hera.” According to the prosecutor, the purpose was to help Halushchenko find a new position.

The prosecutor also submitted the interrogation record of Volodymyr Kudrytskyi (editor's note — former head of Ukrenergo). According to his testimony, Myroniuk was a close adviser to Halushchenko himself and coordinated the actions of the minister’s deputies. The prosecutor further stated that Halushchenko and Myroniuk cooperated with former MP Derkach: Halushchenko worked with him at Energoatom, and Myroniuk served as Derkach’s lawyer.

According to the search reports, Myroniuk possessed dossiers compiled on the NABU detectives working on this investigation — specifically on Vasylchuk and Hiulmahomedov. He also had information on other criminal proceedings being handled by the NABU.

Position of the defense

After the prosecutor concluded his presentation and playback of the recordings, the defense team began their arguments. They called the suspicion unsubstantiated and insisted that the alleged actions do not constitute a crime. They denied Myroniuk’s involvement in the episodes described by the prosecution. According to the defense, Energoatom’s procurement procedure is complex, and a single individual, such as Myroniuk, could not influence it. 

The defense also argued that procedural actions, including searches and the notice of suspicion were carried out by an unauthorized official.

They further insisted that no risks to the investigation existed and therefore asked the court to reject the prosecutor’s motion for an interim measure. 

Interim measures for Myroniuk and others

As of the morning of November 13, five suspects in the case had been assigned interim measures. Specifically: Myroniuk was ordered pre-trial detention, with the alternative of posting UAH 126 million bail. Four others received bail as an alternative to detention: Dmytro Basov — UAH 40 million, Lesia Ustymenko — UAH 25 million, Ihor Fursenko — UAH 95 million, Liudmyla Zorina — UAH 12 million. 

We will continue to monitor the progress of this case and any new details that emerge.

This material is prepared by the Transparency International Ukraine team